By ROGER COHEN
International Herald Tribune
JERUSALEM
A three-minute Palestinian movie says what needs to be said
about estrangement and violence in the Middle East. It
features a woman driving around Jerusalem asking for
directions to the adjacent West Bank town of Ramallah. She
is met by dismay, irritation, blank stares and near panic
from Israelis.
The documentary, called "A World Apart Within 15 Minutes"
and directed by Enas Muthaffar, captures the psychological
alienation that has intensified in recent years and left
Israelis and Palestinians worlds apart, so alienated from
each other that a major Palestinian city has vanished from
Israelis' mental maps.
Never mind the latest flare-up in Gaza. What matters in the
world's most intractable conflict is the way the personal
narratives of Israelis and Palestinians, coaxed toward
intersection by the Oslo Accords of the 1990s, have diverged
to a point of mutual nonrecognition.
Ramallah is about 10 kilometers north of Jerusalem. For most
Israelis, it might as well be on the moon. It is not just
the fence, called the "separation barrier" by Israelis and
the "racist separating wall" by Palestinians, that gets in
the way. It is the death of the idea of peace and its
replacement by the notion of security in detachment.
I can understand that notion's appeal. Israelis have had
reason enough to throw up their hands since 2000 and say: To
heck with suicide bombers, Gaza mayhem, inept Palestinian
leadership and annihilationist Hamas. They would rather
focus on their dot-com boom, high-speed trains and Goa
vacations. They would rather be safe than worry about peace.
But detachment is an illusion. Life goes on behind the
physical and mental barriers Israelis have erected. Or
rather, it festers. As Itamar Rabinovich, the president of
Tel Aviv University, remarked to me: "Palestine is a failed
pre-state."
For that failure, Palestinians must take responsibility. But
this aborted birth is also Israel's work. I drove recently
from Jerusalem to the West Bank city of Nablus. A beautiful
terrain of terraced olive groves is scarred by the cold
imprint of Israeli occupation: shining garrison-like
settlements on hilltops, fenced highways for settlers alone,
watchtowers, check-points.
The West Bank, after 40 years under Israeli control, is a
shameful place. If this is the price of Israeli security, it
is unacceptable. Power corrupts; absolute power can corrupt
absolutely. There are no meaningful checks and balances in
this territory, none of the mechanisms of Israel's admirable
democracy.
The result is what the World Bank this month called a
"shattered economic space." If Israelis could be as
inventive about seeking bridges to Palestinians as they are
now in devising restrictions on their movement, the results
could be startling. As it is, the bank noted, Israeli policy
has produced "ever smaller and disconnected cantons."
This has been achieved through remorseless permit and ID
checks, roadblocks, checkpoints and the creation of closed
areas. Palestinians are caged in islets where doing business
is near impossible.
More than 500 barriers hinder Palestinian movement.
Meanwhile, Jewish settlers move freely; their number,
outside East Jerusalem, has increased to about 250,000 from
roughly 126,900 at the time of the Oslo Accords. These
numbers alone make Palestinian political and religious
radicalization less than entirely mysterious.
In his April 14, 2004, statement on a two-state solution,
President George W. Bush offered concessions to Israel. He
said it was "unrealistic" to expect "a full and complete
return" to the Green Line. But he also urged "the
establishment of a Palestinian state that is viable,
contiguous, sovereign and independent."
More than three years later, there is no such state. What
there is of a nascent Palestine is non-viable,
non-contiguous, non-sovereign and dependent. While
denouncing terrorism with appropriate vigor, Bush has an
equal obligation to pressure Israel to accept that ruthless
colonization is unworthy of it and no enduring recipe for
security.
Israel has an obligation to open its eyes and do some
wall-jumping. The country has just been shaken by the
Winograd Report, a devastating look at last summer's war
against the Lebanese militia, Hezbollah. It is now time for
a report of similar scope on Israel's West Bank occupation.
I can see no better way to arrest the cycle of alienation.
Time is not on the side of a two-state solution. A
fast-growing Palestinian population inhabits a neighborhood
where the Ahmadinejad-Hezbollah-Hamas school has leverage.
If Israelis do not rediscover where and what Ramallah is,
they may one day be devoured by what they choose not to see.